By County Splash Reporter
As the political dust begins to stir in Malava constituency, a fierce by-election battle is shaping up in the wake of MP Malulu Injendi’s untimely death.
What was once a quiet mourning period is now morphing into a high-stakes power contest, rooted as much in bloodlines and clan allegiances as it is in party politics.
At the heart of the unfolding political drama is the Abasonje clan, a historically influential voting bloc in the constituency. The clan’s executive committee  is set to meet on July 11, a gathering expected to determine not just internal unity but also the broader political direction the clan could take.
The late Injendi’s son, Rhyan Injendi, has emerged as a key contender. Yet, he is not alone. Former MCA Lazaro Lucheveleli and Nairobi-based lawyer Edgar Busiega, both sons of the Abasonje lineage, are also seeking the clan’s all-important endorsement.
In Western Kenya, clan endorsements carry weighty political capital. In tightly knit rural constituencies like Malava, where loyalty often follows lineage, the nod of elders can tilt entire elections. But with three aspirants from the same clan, fears of division and a splintered vote loom large.
Legacy vs. Loyalty
For Rhyan Injendi, the stakes are personal and political. Seen by many as the natural heir to his father’s legacy, he has strong appeal, especially among youth and women, groups often underserved in traditional political calculus. But his footing within the Kenya Kwanza coalition remains precarious.
Though Malulu Injendi was part of the now-defunct ANC party, one of Kenya Kwanza’s founding parties in the run up to the 2022 general elections, Rhyan has yet to declare under which party banner he will run. ‘
This ambiguity has unsettled powerbrokers, especially in the UDA, the dominant party within the coalition.
The tensions within the ruling coalition spilled into the open on June 20, this year, during a boda boda fundraiser in Malava.
There, in a move interpreted as a public snub, Rhyan was denied a chance to speak by Farouk Kibet, a close aide to President William Ruto. Other aspirants linked to UDA were granted the chance to speak.
Observers suggest Mudavadi’s silence may be calculated, either to allow the Abasonje clan to decide first their preferred candidate or to avoid friction within the Kenya Kwanza alliance. But his silence also hints at a possible power recalibration, one where legacy names are quietly being phased out of key contests in favor of coalition-aligned new blood.
It took the intervention of Bungoma Governor Kenneth Lusaka, a Ford Kenya stalwart, to calm the crowd and give Rhyan his moment. But the message had already been sent: elements within UDA’s top ranks appear uneasy with Rhyan’s rising profile.
In contrast, Ford Kenya has moved decisively. Led by National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula, the party convened a high-level meeting in Malava that resulted in the endorsement of Seth Panyako, a former rival of the late Injendi.
The show of force included prominent MPs from the region, led by Emmanuel Wangwe (Navakholo), Nabii Nabwera (Lugari), Elsie Muhanda (Kakamega Women Rep), and Kakai Bisau (Kiminini), underlining Ford Kenya’s intent to assert dominance in Malava’s political reordering.
The endorsement has raised sharp questions: Is Kenya Kwanza hedging its bets via Ford Kenya to avoid openly backing Rhyan? And is this part of a broader strategy to reward political wheeler-dealers in UDA?
The Mudavadi Factor
One figure has remained conspicuously silent: Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi. Once the leader of ANC and a towering figure in Western Kenya politics, his failure to back Rhyan or any candidate from the ANC fold, such as the West Kabras MCA and David Ndakwa continues to fuel speculation.
Observers suggest Mudavadi’s silence may be calculated, either to allow the Abasonje clan to decide first their preferred candidate or to avoid friction within the Kenya Kwanza alliance. But his silence also hints at a possible power recalibration, one where legacy names are quietly being phased out of key contests in favor of coalition-aligned new blood.
Malava remains a Kenya Kwanza stronghold, but the coalition’s grip is hardly unshakeable. UDA has struggled to root itself deeply in the Western region, where Ford Kenya, DAP-K, and even elements of the opposition still command loyalty.
By marginalizing Rhyan, who despite lacking party machinery enjoys solid grassroots support, Kenya Kwanza risks splitting its own vote? If Rhyan runs as an independent or under another party, he could fracture the pro-government base, opening a path for opposition gains.
The humiliation of Rhyan during a local event, especially at the hands of a presidential aide, may have hardened public sentiment. In areas where political decorum and cultural respect are paramount, such slights carry long-lasting consequences.
And if the Abasonje clan fails to unite behind a single candidate, internal fragmentation could deliver the seat into the hands of an outsider.
All Eyes on July 11
As the clock ticks toward the July 11 clan meeting, the political heartbeat of Malava awaits its next rhythm. What happens in that room, behind closed doors and beneath the gaze of ancestral portraits, could chart the path not just for the by-election, but for Western Kenya’s broader political future?
Whether Rhyan Injendi will emerge as a legacy torchbearer or be cast aside by coalition politics remains to be seen.
